78 p o l i t i c s manningthestrikers'soupkitchenandthestrikerssuspend- ingtheclassstruggletobuynylons. Thetwobigpreviousstrikeperiodsinourhistorydiffer significantlyfromthepresentone. I n 1919-20,the employerstooktheofensiveagainstthewar-expanded unionsandsmashedsomeofthem,asinsteel,foralmosta generation;theworkerswerefightingfortheirunions' veryexistence,andfightingagainstthewholeweightofthe restofsociety;thestrikestookonthetragicandpassionate coloroftheGreatSteelStrike(therewerenomilionaire publishersinthesoupkitchensthen). In1936-7therewas firstthegreatsurgeforwardof=ionizationinthemass productionindustries,theautomobilestrikewithitsbold occupationoftheDetroitplantsbeingthecenterandsymbol,andthentheviciouscounter-atackbythebosses,with privategunmen,laborspies,citizens'vigilantecommittees ("MohawkValleyFormula")allculminatinginthebloody LittleSteelStrike.TheFederalandlocalauthoritieseither sidedwiththeemployers(1919-20)orelsetemporizedin suchawayastofinalythrowthevictorytotheemployers (1936-7).Thistime,however,(1)theemployersarenot outtosmashtheunions;(2)thestrikers'participationis orderly,passiveroutinized;(3)theStateisonthesideof thestrikers. (1)Therehasbeenremarkablylittleviolenceinthese strikes,consideringtheirscope,becausetheemployershave madenoefforttoreopenstruckplantsortobreakuppicket lines.Thefewexceptionsprovetherule.Theonlydeaths reportedwerethoseoftwopicketswhowereshotdownby companythugsontheToledo,Peoria&WesternRailroad; butthisisaminorroadcontroledbyoneGeorgeP.Mc- Near,aviolentfoeofunionismandNewDealism,whose roadwastakenoverbytheGovernmentforthreeyearsin 1942becauseofapreviousstrike;McNear'stactics,which inthedaysofGaryorGirdlerwerenormal,todaymake himalunatic-fringeeccentricintheeyesevenofconservatives. It isalsointerestingthatwhenPhiladelphiapolice brutallybrokeupamasspicketlineofelectricalworkers, evensuchanti-laborpapersasthe Times,News and Mirror ofNewYorkprintedpicturesofpoliceclubbingstrikers; thetwotabloidsgaveovertheirwholefrontpagetoone especiallydramaticshotoffivecopsclosinginonaprostratepicket.Bothsides,ingeneral,showednodisposition tofightveryhardonthepicketline.Whenajudgein PittsburghenjoinedmasspicketingoftheHomesteadsteel plant,theunionprotestedbutobeyed.AndJones& LaughlinmadeanunprecedenteddealwiththeUnited SteelWorkers,agreeingnottotrytoresumeproductionin exchangeforunrestrictedaccesstotheplant. (2)Thestrikersshowednoneofthespontaneityofthe 1936strikes;nothinglikethewidespread"sithi"tacticof 1936-7,withitsdisrespectforpropertyrightsanditsrankand-fileinitiative.Andindeedwhyshouldthey?Neither theexistenceoftheirunionsnoranyseriouseconomicpinch wasinvolved.Since1937collectivebargaininghasbeen generalyacceptedbythebigemployers,theCIOhasbecomerespectableandwel-entrenched,andduringthewar themorefar-sightedemployerscametoseethattheirlabor forcecouldbecontroledevenbeterbyworkingamicably withtheunionbureaucracythanbytryingtodestroyit. Asfortheeconomicangle:thestrikerswerealmostallin manufacturingindustries,inwhichaveragewagesincreased from$26aweekto$45aweek(71%)between1940and 1943,asagainstariseofonly21%inwhite-collarwages. (Thesteel,automobileandelectricalworkers,furthermore, didverymuchbeterthanthemanufacturingaverageduringthewar.)Thisisnottodenythatthecostofliving hasrisengreat.ly—thosughnotasmuchaswagesandcerBibliotecaGinoBianco tainlynottoimplythatthestrikersweremakingenough tolivedecentlyevenwiththeirwartimegains.Thepoint isthatrelativetotheirownpre-warearningsandtothe earningsofmostoftheotherwage-earnersin,thecountry, thestrikerswereinagoodeconomicpositionwhenthey struck.Hencetheirlackof"passion".Onthefirstday oftheGMstrike,Reutherisreportedtohaveexulted,"Just likeoldtimes,isn'tit?"But itwasnotatall likeold times,andthecommentin Time (Nov.22)seemstome just:"TheUAWdisputewithGMhasassumedtheaspectof abatleofexpertsratherthantheessentialyviolentcharac- terofthebigstrikesin1937." (3)TheroleoftheGovernmenthasperhapsbeenthe decisivenewfactorinthesestrikes.AlthoughTrumanat firsttriedtotaketheclassic"plagueonbothyourhouses" standthatRoosevelttookin1937,andalthoughheand hisadviserssurelycannotbeaccusedofmuchideological sympathywithlabor,hewasslowlypushedovertothe union'sside.Thus,atthebeginningofthestrikes,he proposed"fact-findingboards"whichwouldhavethepower teenforceamonth's"coolingoffperiod"onlaborandto determinetheemployer'sability-to-paybyinspectinghis books.Bothsidesatonceobjected.Butasthestrikes evolved,theability-to-payprinciplebecamethebigissue, withthecooling-ofperiodforgoten;andsinceTruman insistedonthepoint,heclashedmoreandmorewithbusiness.Hisinterventioninthecrucialsteelandautostrikes wasontheunions'side. Insteel,heproposedan181/20 hourlyraiseonJanuary17,fourdaysbeforethestrikebe- gan;thiswasacceptedbytheunion,rejectedbyU.S.Steel. OnFebruary15,hesetledthestrike,inaconferenceinthe WhiteHouse,onthe131/20basisplusa$5-a-tonincrease inprices.Thesteelmenwerestillreluctanttosign,but couldnotresistthepressurefromtheWhiteHouse.This it,afarcryfromthehostileorindifferentatitudestolabor oftheFederalGovernmentinthelasttwogreatstrike periods.So,too,thePresident's"fact-finding"boardin theautostrikerecommendeda191/20wageraiseandna priceincrease.TheUAWpromptlyacceptedthissettlement, whichgaveitoverhalftheraiseithadaskedfor,andwhich alsotookReuther'slinethatawageincreaseshouldnotbe accompaniedbyhigherprices.GMrejecteditwithequal promptness.Theunion'slatestproposalforendingthe strike(March2)wasthattheissuesbesubmitedtoarbitrationbyaWhiteHouseappointee;GMwasnotinterested. Nowonderthegreatbusinesspublishers,McGraw-Hil,in aneditorialprintedinits25magazines,accusedtheAd- ministrationofconducting"anactivecampaignforpromotinglargewageincreases"anddrewapatheticpicture ofAmericanbusiness"confrontedwithcombinedunionand Governmentpressure." Thepostwarstrikemovementthusshows,ontheone hand,thatthegreatCIOunionsinthemassindustrieshave becomeastablepartofthenation'seconomicsystem,with enoughpoliticalandeconomicpowertoforceanotover- friendlyAdministrationtointerveneontheirbehalf;andon theother,thattheworkersintheseunionsarelessmilitant, lessclassconsciousthantheywerein1937,whilethecontrolofthetopbureaucracyovertherankshasbecomemuch stronger.Thisfatalcombinationofstrengthasinstitutions ofthestatusquoandweaknessasorgansofworkingclass rebelionmaybeobservedinanevenmoreextremeform intheBritishtradeunionmovement.Radicalswhoseein ourpostwarstrikesanadvancetowardsocialism,oreven ademonstrationof workingclass(as againsttradeunion) power,wouldthereforeseemtobeshort-sighted. DWIGHTMACDONALD
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